Sylke Tempel

In uncertain times, popular American TV series can help us understand what is going on with the world. They portray new kinds of family life (“Modern Family”), the cynicism of the political establishment (“House of Cards”), and the potential of a surveillance state powered by technology, big data, and artificial intelligence (“Person of Interest”). And indeed, these are the big challenges of our time. The modernization of the past couple of decades has been dramatic and changed our societies, down to the family. Meanwhile, the digital revolution has put a turbo booster on globalization and changed the way we talk, work, and live. And, partially influenced by the other two, there is the loss of trust in a political class that does not seem able to manage the quick pace of globalization, let alone slow it down. These are the new fronts in our society.

On the one side are those who, as Alexander Gauland from Germany’s hard-right, populist Alternative for Germany (AfD) party once so perfectly simplistically put it, “don’t want to put up with the nonsense of globalization anymore.” They want to remain in their fenced-in gardens, safe from today’s complexities, be they refugee crises or increased economic competition. They want a space where the old rules still apply, where the old elite still have the say. On the other side are those who want an open society, even when it means putting up with the pressure of constant change. In this society the “elite” are not defined by birth or origin, but by achievement, irrespective of ethnicity, gender, or belief.

The New Cleavages

We are witnessing a powerful backlash against further modernization. This backlash is not just happening in individual societies; it is also international. A quarter century after the end of the Cold War, the new front lines do not run between East and West, between Western democracies and authoritarian regimes, or between capitalism and socialism. The new divisions are not neatly geographical; they cannot be depicted on maps. What we have now are the ideological fronts of internationalism vs nationalism, of globalization vs localization, civilization vs culture, and urban vs rural.

Or, more broadly, one camp sees free trade and globalization as delivering prosperity and competition. Its members value modern democracies as open systems based on rules set out in a constitution, systems that include citizens of varying cultural backgrounds. They tend to be part of an urban cohort, which believes the European Union to be imperfect and in need of reform, but still considers it an achievement (a big share of the Brexit “remainers”). The other camp is marked by a backlash against modernity which is driven by fear of globalization – and in fact, globalization is placing great strain on our societies and economies. In that camp, there is real yearning to make one’s own country “great again” (Trump) or to “take back control” (the UK Leave campaign’s slogan), to keep the world manageable.

Challenging the Western Model

When Francis Fukuyama claimed that the age of ideological conflict was over because Western liberal democracy had triumphed, he was only half wrong. There still is no ideological competitor to liberal democracy that can offer its citizens the same kind of prosperity, security, and participation. Or at least there is nothing of the kind visible in the platforms of the nationalist-populists.

There may not be any alternative to the Western model, but there are challenges to it. China views itself as a direct competitor, as a power that proves that capitalism and wealth can be attained without liberalism. Putin’s conservative revolution and his concept of a Russian world in which every ethnic Russian belongs in Putin’s empire challenge a model of citizenship that is determined (ideally, anyway) by loyalty to the constitution, and not hereditary membership in an ethnic nation. The third ideological challenger to the West, political Islam in both its moderate and radical form, sees itself as a counter-movement to Western modernity and what Islamists view as its biggest disgrace: the banning of any otherworldly doctrine of salvation from secular politics.

The Chinese model can at least offer its people growing prosperity; it also can actually compete in the global market of innovation. But all challenger models fail to protect citizens’ rights against the infringements of power, or to offer them critical participation in political and societal processes.

What does this all mean for Germany and its role in the world? There is ample evidence that Germany is ready to take on more responsibility. There was the trio of speeches at the Munich Security Conference in 2014 by then President Joachim Gauck, Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier, and Defense Minister Ursula von der Leyen, but also the Ukraine crisis and the Kremlin’s annexation of Crimea. It was Germany, together with France, that shaped policy on these issues. The Minsk agreement may be less than sufficient, but it did contribute to desperately needed de-escalation. Also, the EU sanctions could hardly have been imposed, let alone maintained, without Berlin’s efforts.

For the first time in years, defense spending is increasing, and last year’s White Book process did much to engage the public. These might also be signs that the topic of military responsibility is becoming less of a taboo. After all, the Bundeswehr is already involved in numerous foreign deployments.

Arriving on the Doorstep

But something crucial is still missing. The crucial strategic message is not being delivered to the German public. Germany may no longer be at the center of the East-West conflict, but it is caught between new ideological fronts. As the most open and connected economic power, Germany depends existentially on globalization and a peaceful international trade regime. As a core power and the geographical center of Europe, a functioning EU is in Germany’s fundamental interest.

No problem, no global challenge – from stabilizing its direct southern and eastern neighborhood to countering the political and economic challenge posed by rising powers – can be solved without the support of the EU and shared resources of the EU member states. Most German foreign policy ambitions are only achievable if they are amplified by the power of the EU. The rebuilding of the failed states in Europe’s southern neighborhood is inconceivable without a combined European effort, and even then it will be very difficult. Berlin’s primary foreign policy priority must be the survival of the EU. This entails also thinking about necessary reforms for the EU that go beyond familiar calls for “more Europe” or more integration.

More than anything, amid new ideological conflicts and concurrent disorientation, we must be clear about another principle: everything is foreign policy. Unresolved problems no longer remain abstract and distant. They affect our daily lives and arrive, literally, at our doorstep. But this also means that foreign policy is domestic policy. A Germany that is unable to defend internationalism, Western modernity, and a liberal open society to its own people and beyond its borders – and to make these principles the unwavering foundation of its foreign policy – would be an irresponsible actor working against its own interests.

Nowhere is this truer than with Russia policy, despite reoccurring nods from some in Berlin toward a more conciliatory approach. Liberal values are in Germany’s interests. And a policy to defend these interests must avail itself of all the accessible tools – intellectual debates, diplomacy, cooperation with Western allies, and, as an option of the very last resort, yes, also military tools.

NB. This text was originally published in German by the Heinrich Böll Foundation as part of the collection Die große Verunsicherung: Die Krise der liberalen Moderne. Translation: Rachel Tausendfreund

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Artwork: Mitch Blunt

Our September/October issue on the German election is out now – available at Google Play

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ONE MORE TIME

ANDREAS RINKE
The Merkel Mystique
Germany’s chancellor seems unassailable. How does she do it?

MAXIMILIANE KOSCHYK
The Great Disconnect
It’s been called the most boring election ever. That might be because the parties are avoiding the very issues closest to voters’ hearts.

CLARE RICHARDSON
On the Data Trail
The CDU and the SPD have returned to door-to-door canvassing, with a technological twist.

SUMI SOMASKANDA
Nasty Newcomers
The populist AfD once polled in the double digits. The party’s support has waned, but not enough to stop it from entering the Bundestag.

CLOSE-UP

Merkel’s Heirs
The chancellor has spent a quarter of a century fending off party rivals. Is there anyone left to succeed her?
By MATTHIAS GEIS

WHAT GERMANY NEEDS TO DO NEXT …

CLAIRE DEMESMAY AND JANA PUGLIERIN
… On France and the EU

JAN TECHAU
… On Three Top Priorities

NIKOLAUS VON TWICKEL
… On Ukraine

TYSON BARKER
… On Digitalization

QUENTIN PEEL
… On Brexit

GERMANY’S ECONOMIC FUTURE

MARCEL FRATZSCHER
“The Bottom Forty Percent Have Not Benefited”
Germany is Europe’s leading economic powerhouse, but it has some homework to do after the election.

WORDS DON’T COME EASY

DEREK SCALLY
GroKo, Jamaika, & Co.
All the political colors, synonyms, and acronyms you need to know when it comes to forming a new German government.

Read more in the Berlin Policy Journal App – September/October 2017 issue out now.

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© Artwork: Katinka Reinke

Our July/August issue on EU reform and the Franco-German tandem is out now – available at Google Play

and the Apple App Store

EUROPE BY NUMBERS
Shifting Priorities

FULL STEAM AHEAD
RALPH BOLLMANN
Kohl’s Belated Heiress
Finally trying on Helmut Kohl’s boots, the German chancellor is ready for deeper European integration.

ALMUT MÖLLER
Taking the Bull by the Horns
Why Paris and Berlin should not wait until after the German elections to get going.

CLAIRE DEMESMAY AND JANA PUGLIERIN
Ode to (Some) Joy
Where France and Germany are likely to chime – and occasionally clash.

RADOSLAW SIKORSKI
“We Need to Fix Our Economy, That’s for Sure”
Poland’s former foreign minister on how to make the EU stronger.

CLOSE-UP
Bruno Le Maire
All eyes are now on France’s economy minister. Is he the right man to push through much-needed reforms?
By DANIEL VERNET

GERMANY’S NEW ROLE

URSULA VON DER LEYEN
“You Grow with the Job”
Germany’s defense minister on how to advance European security in turbulent times.

JÖRG LAU
More Stick, More Carrot
Chancellor Merkel is right, the old times are over. Here’s what a new German foreign policy could look like.

JAN TECHAU
Greater Ambition, Please!
Berlin not only needs to do more, it needs to want to do more – and have a strategy to go with it.

RUSSIA AND THE WORLD
LIANA FIX
To Reform or Not to Reform
Former Finance Minister Alexei Kudrin has proposed a radical overhaul of  Russia’s economy. Chances of implementation are slim.

THOMAS W. O’DONNELL
Neue Neue Ostpolitik
What lies behind the US-German spat over new Russian sanctions affecting the Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline?

RINA SOLOVEITCHIK
Protectors of the Truth
How RT, Sputnik & Co. portray Germany and Europe.

TURKISH-GERMAN RELATIONS
SINAN EKIM
Back from the Brink
In a new low, German troops leave the Incerlik airbase. But there is scope to rebuild Turkey’s relations with Germany and the EU on the economic front.

EUROPEAN ENCOUNTERS
GERALD KNAUS, ANDREAS NICK, AND NADAN PETROVIC
“We Need More Amsterdam in Sicily”
Addressing the refugee crisis and the rising numbers of African migrants arriving in Italy, the EU needs new thinking.

Read more in the Berlin Policy Journal App – July/August 2017 issue.

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Cover artwork: Lo Cole

EUROPE BY NUMBERS
Russia’s Investments in Europe

PUTIN’S PROJECTION

Then and Now: Two Maps

STEFAN MEISTER
The Great Russia Myth
Vladimir Putin has made Russia appear mightier than it is – with some help from the West.

VLADISLAV INOSEMTZEV
As the Worm Turns
Russia’s economy is strong enough to survive,
but too weak to reform.

ILYA YASHIN
Tried and Tested
Russia’s Internet offensive against the West isn’t exactly new. The Kremlin has been using the very same tactics on the Russian opposition for years.

KARSTEN VOIGT
“Geostrategic Conditions Are Very Different Now”
Why some in Germany and Europe are stuck in geopolitics of the past.

CLOSE-UP
Michel Barnier
The EU Commission’s chief Brexit negotiator is unlikely to make new friends in London. BY DAVE KEATING

REFORMING THE EUROPEAN UNION
MARK LEONARD
Europe and Me
With Britain gone, the European Union has to change. A personal reflection on how.

ANNABELLE CHAPMAN
Enemies Within
Budapest and Warsaw are undermining the EU’s values, but Brussels’ kid gloves are only making them bolder.

TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONS
TYSON BARKER
Off to a Rough Start
Where Europe stands with the new US administration one hundred days on.

WORDS DON’T COME EASY
BRENNA DALDORPH
“En même temps”
For Emmanuel Macron, these three little words are a condensed vision of the world as he sees it.

CLIMATE CHANGE
SARA NICHOLS, MEGAN O’REILLY, AND ELLEN SCHOLL
Beyond the Beltway
The Trump administration’s attitude to climate change is a setback, but Europe can help states outmaneuver Washington.

EUROPEAN ENCOUNTERS
SÉBASTIEN VANNIER AND STELIOS VOULGARIS
“We Should Create More Spaces for People’s Participation”
Passion always seems to be on the side of anti-European Union forces – but that can be changed.

Read more in the Berlin Policy Journal App – May/June 2017 issue.

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© Cover Artwork: Katinka Reinke

Our March/April issue on the upcoming French presidential election is out now – available via mobile devices at Google Play

and the Apple App Store

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© Cover Artwork by Cristóbal Schmal

Our January/February issue on digital manipulation is out now – available at Google Play

and the Apple App Store

DIGITAL MANIPULATION
TOBIAS BUNDE
Politics by Other Means
The West’s open societies and democratic institutions are under attack. It’s time to brace for a fight.

SIMON HEGELICH
“It’s Not a Matter of Law, but of Counter-Measures”
How Germany can combat interference in its 2017 elections.

ANDREAS RINKE
Disinformation War
Berlin wakes up to the challenges of Russia’s online offensive.

MARIELUISE BECK
“It Gets Dangerous When the Center Starts to Crack”
The Green lawmaker on being the target of a Russian hacking attack.

CLOSE-UP
Geert Wilders
The ascent of the Netherlands’ wild-boy populist was long in the making. But he’s still a long way from taking the top job. BY JOB JANSSEN

TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONS
DANIELA SCHWARZER
New Deals for the Old Continent
Damage control isn’t the only answer to the Trump presidency. Europe has to take its fate into its own hands.

JULIANNE SMITH
Enter Trump
Atlanticists need to convince the new US administration of the lasting value of the relationship – and have a back-up plan if that fails.

EUROPE
GERALD KNAUS
A Two-Step Solution
How to make the EU-Turkey agreement on refugees stick – and apply its lessons to African migrants taking the perilous sea-route to Italy.

MILAN NIC
Cracking Up
The Visegrád group was the EU’s most effective internal opposition. Now it’s showing signs of disintegrating.

WORDS DON’T COME EASY
PIOTR BURAS
“Niepokorni”
Poland’s new strong men prefer to style themselves as prosecuted outsiders.

RUSSIA
VLADISLAV INOZEMTSEV
The Eternal Putin
Russia’s president is more a product of Russia’s political landscape than its architect.

CHINA
HELENA LEGARDA
New Kid on the Block
The ambitions of the People’s Liberation Army are beginning to approach Europe’s backyard.

JONATHAN FENBY
Money Talks
China is strategically buying up influence and innovation. This will have major consequences for the West.

GERMANY
CATHERINE HICKLEY
No-Show
The landmark art exhibition that wasn’t has dampened German-Iranian relations.

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© Cover Artwork: Lo Cole

Our November/December issue on Europe in the wake of Donald Trump’s victory is out now – available at Google Play

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Here’s the table of contents:

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@wonderwomanUN Congratulations on your appointment. Why do you think the UN choose you as honorary ambassador for the empowerment of women and girls?

@berlinpolicy Not because I am a white woman of impossible proportions wearing a shimmery one-piece with a US flag. I hope.

@wonderwomanUN Why then?

@berlinpolicy I can only speculate – but in a post-fact world like ours, a lasso that forces the truth out of people comes in handy.

@wonderwomanUN Some people might say a real woman would have been more appropriate for the job. What would you say to them?

@berlinpolicy I guess they just thought there aren’t any women who are qualified – after all, they chose another man to be UN Secretary General.

@wonderwomanUN Do you think a woman would do a better job?

@berlinpolicy My creator, William Marston, was convinced women are morally superior. Looking at the American election, it’s tough to disagree.

@wonderwomanUN Who are the female leaders you personally admire?

@berlinpolicy Angela Merkel. I only had to deal with supervillains – she has to work with Vladimir Putin. I tip my tiara to her.

@wonderwomanUN Batman or Superman?

@berlinpolicy Catwoman.

@wonderwomanUN You’re gay?

@berlinpolicy I grew up with Amazons and I’m 5000 years old. Of course I’ve had relationships with women.

@wonderwomanUN Do you think of yourself as a role model for girls?

@berlinpolicy I am as beautiful as Aphrodite, wise as Athena, stronger than Hercules, and swifter than Mercury.

@wonderwomanUN That’s a hard act to follow.

@berlinpolicy What would you prefer? That girls aspire to be super models and reality show stars?

@wonderwomanUN Your worst moment in life?

@berlinpolicy When I discovered that my alter ego makes 17 percent less than Clark Kent.

@wonderwomanUN Your best moment?

@berlinpolicy When we realized in the 21st century that bright, serious female superheroes are more necessary than ever.

@wonderwomanUN Your very best moment?

@berlinpolicy When a real woman finally becomes UN Secretary General. There are plenty of them out there who could do a wonderful job.

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Cover artwork: Katinka Reinke

Our Septemer/October issue on the new ideological front line in domestic and international politics is out now – available at Google Play

and the Apple App Store

Here’s the table of contents:

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@bueti Describe the state of the #EU, please. #i140c

@berlinpolicy State of the #EU, described with just 1 word: Bad. Described with 2 words: Not bad. Confused, but more resilient than it seems

@bueti What are the continent’s biggest #problems right now?

@berlinpolicy 2 biggest: not realizing a) that the multiplicity of crises engulfing the EU is the “new normal”, b) how strong we still are

@bueti Your message to the Brits pondering #Brexit?

@berlinpolicy Leave 1 union & lose 2, plus special relationship with the US; cut loose from continent, and you’ll be more dependent on it

@bueti And how are Europe’s #Greens doing?

@berlinpolicy #Greens serve in 4 nat’l gov’ts, in 22 nat’l parliaments, in 15 regional gov’s; Green presidents in LAT & AUT. 6th group in EP

@bueti Do you regret #German #Greens not entering a coalition with Chancellor Angela #Merkel back in 2013? #missedopportunity

@berlinpolicy Not at all. Merkel wasn’t willing to offer a fair partnership, she wanted greenwashing. She has until next year to reconsider

@bueti You are a close #US watcher: What’s the real meaning of @RealDonaldTrump?

@berlinpolicy Status quo is broken, it’s reform or insurgency. Establishment doesn’t get it. Only Sanders could safely defeat TheDonald

@bueti Your first interest in #China coincided with #culturalrevolution. Any #regrets from wild communist student days?

@berlinpolicy My 1st interest in China was motivated by the Chinese language. Maoism followed. Regrets? Of course. And lessons learned

@bueti Did you own #Mao’s little red book? Any favorite quotes?

@berlinpolicy Sure. Both editions, with & without Lin Biao’s introduction. The most famous quote: “Rebellion is justified.” That was dope

@bueti What’s your take on today’s #China?

@berlinpolicy Mao’s dictum still applies: “A spark can light a prairie fire.” The CPC knows that – and still can’t run away from it

@bueti You’ve been an #MEP since 2009. Your best experience?

@berlinpolicy Beer, French fries and chocolates. And having at least 2 friends in other political groups 4 every enemy in my own.

@bueti And your worst experience as a Member of the European Parliament?

@berlinpolicy The beer, the French fries and the chocolates.

@bueti You’ve seen the likes of @MLP_officiel and @Nigel_Farage up close in the #EP. Impressions?

@berlinpolicy When they speak in plenary, they don’t speak 2 the house, but 2 domestic audiences. Use EP as a platform while denouncing it

@bueti What’s on your #desk that may surprise us?

@berlinpolicy A statue of St. Ivan Rilski, patron saint of Bulgarian miners. Podium Passes from the 2000/’04/’08 US Dem National Conventions

@bueti What’s easier – uniting Europe or German #Greens “fundi” and “realo” wing?

@berlinpolicy Europe is obviously bigger challenge, there are not only fundis and realos, but nationalos, banalos, brutalos and federalists

@bueti How do you relax?

@berlinpolicy I can’t relax, now that you make me think about it.

@bueti Your favorite #soccer (ie. football) metaphor in politics?

@berlinpolicy My favorite sports metaphors are from baseball. “Step up to the plate.” “Throw a curve ball.” “Hit it out of the ball park.”

@bueti Who wins @UEFAEURO, and why? #i140c

@berlinpolicy Hollande needs it the most. Renzi wants it the most. A German victory would be hated the most. Maybe neutral Switzerland?

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